Captivity and Ottoman Wartime Diplomacy
Panel 168, 2015 Annual Meeting
On Monday, November 23 at 5:00 pm
Panel Description
Historians of the Ottoman Middle East are increasingly emphasizing connections, and comparisons, with other parts of the world. Trade, disease, migration, art, empire, and the environment have all recently taken center stage. This panel, however, turns back to rethink one of the longest-recognized means of contact between the Ottoman Empire and its neighbors: war and diplomacy.
The presenters do not aim to reproduce traditional military and diplomatic histories, and they reject narratives of the Ottoman Empire as a "near-perfect military society," or of the Ottomans as fundamentally outside the European diplomatic order. Instead, the papers consider conflict, and the conversations that accompanied conflict, as a means of political, cultural, and human interchange. In particular, all four papers emphasize the linkage between warfare, labor, and migration, as conflict brought people into contact.
The papers range from the sixteenth century to the twentieth, and draw on a wide variety of sources--including Ottoman, Russian, British, Sicilian, Spanish, and Venetian archives. They thus bridge empires, and historical periods, that are often artificially separated in historiography.
The first paper considers the ransom economy of the early modern Mediterranean, using a case study of one particular ransom agent who brokered deals across empires to free captives even while he engaged in covert diplomacy, secret intelligence gathering, and Ottoman factional politics. The paper thus uses captivity and ransom to connect Ottoman and Mediterranean history.
The second paper moves from the early modern to the modern, examining the late eighteenth century--and here, connections are forged not by captives, but by quarrelsome and mutinous sailors. This paper uses a multi-archival case study to show how the everyday management of military labor could affect inter-imperial diplomacy in wartime.
The third paper combines diplomacy and captivity in a different way, considering the Ottoman state's changing attitude toward subjects held captive in Russia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Ottoman state concern for captives increased, the paper argues, reflecting and foreshadowing deeper changes in the relationship between the state and its subjects.
Finally, the fourth paper moves from the nineteenth century to the twentieth, considering Ottoman subjects in British custody during World War I. Here again, captivity emerges as a way to examine questions of governance, identity, and belonging, as the Ottoman state used international treaties to advocate for its subjects--and then those subjects found themselves trying to redefine their citizenship when the war, and the empire, ended.
Disciplines
Participants
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Dr. Virginia Aksan
-- Chair
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Prof. Benjamin Carr Fortna
-- Discussant
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Dr. Kent F. Schull
-- Presenter
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Dr. Kahraman Sakul
-- Presenter
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Dr. William Smiley
-- Organizer, Presenter
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Emrah Safa Gürkan
-- Presenter
Presentations
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Dr. William Smiley
This paper examines the captivity of Ottoman subjects in Russia during and after each of the empires’ eighteenth and nineteenth century conflicts. I argue that even as the Ottoman state lost these conflicts, it increasingly advanced international legal arguments to liberate these captives, with important implications for Ottoman governance and diplomacy.
The paper begins with a critical moment in Ottoman-Russian relations: the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade, which ended banned the payment of ransom on both sides. Over the next half century, Ottoman subjects in Russia learned to take advantage of the rules, and they often sought help from Ottoman ambassadors sent to Russia. Yet, their freedom was not yet a major issue for the Ottoman state.
This changed as the century wore on, and as the Ottomans suffered more and more devastating defeats and territorial losses. Freeing Ottoman subjects—particularly Muslims, often called “the enslaved people of Islam”—became a critical objective of Ottoman postwar diplomacy. The paper traces this shift, using the embassy reports (sefaretnames) of successive ambassadors, as well as imperial rescripts from the Ottoman archives and diplomatic correspondence from the Russian Imperial Foreign Ministry Archives. From the 1740s to the 1770s to the 1790s, Ottoman sultans became more and more insistent on freeing their subjects in Russia after each war. The story culminates in 1811-1812, as Sultan Mahmud II insisted that his defeated troops not be considered “prisoners of war,” and pressed for justice when Russian soldiers massacred hundreds of captured Ottoman civilians.
These developments show an Ottoman state that, even in the midst of defeats and internal turmoil, became more and more concerned with vindicating its prestige and honor by freeing its enslaved subjects—even as it also became more confident at invoking, and defending, its rights under inter-imperial treaties. This echoed larger shifts, as the Ottoman state, especially under Mahmud, attempted to forge a stronger sense of Ottoman Muslim identity to legitimate military mobilization. In a very tangible way, “the enslaved people of Islam” embodied this identity, and their freedom was bound up with imperial prestige in a way it never had been before.
The paper thus illuminates vital shifts in the relationship between the Ottoman state and its subjects, while it also reframes our understanding of the Ottomans’ engagement in international relations, and their role in the growing system of international law.
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Dr. Kent F. Schull
During World War I roughly 150,000 Ottoman troops and expatriates were captured and incarcerated as Prisoners of War (POWs) and "Enemy Aliens" in England, Russia, France, and Italy under what were often varied and difficult conditions. During the war the combatant nations met in Bern, Switzerland in 1916 to standardize the treatment and conditions of POWs and Enemy Aliens. Notwithstanding this conference and agreement it did not prevent combatant countries from accusing each other of poor treatment of their incarcerated soldiers and civilians. Once the war was over in 1918 many Ottoman POWs and Enemy Aliens were not immediately released even though the Armistice of Mudros required it. In fact, most were not released until years after the war ended primarily because of the uncertainty of their citizenship status once the Ottoman Empire was dismantled. This presentation investigates the conditions of incarceration of Ottoman POWs and “Enemy Aliens” held by British forces and the negotiations between the Ottoman state and its wartime enemies regarding these captives. Of most interest are the conditions, complaints, negotiations, reprisals, and diplomatic maneuverings and discourse used by each state regarding their own POWs and citizens. Also of interest to this presentation is the fate of Ottoman POWs and expatriates after the war ended. Now that the empire was gone, what was their citizenship status and who spoke for and claimed them? It also investigates what these individuals found once they immigrated to their "new" countries in the wake of the devastation caused by the war and its aftermath.
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Dr. Kahraman Sakul
MUTINY AT PALERMO, DIPLOMACY IN ISTANBUL
This presentation is a reconsideration of the different accounts of violent conflicts between the Ottoman marines and the inhabitants of Palermo in the autumn of 1799. Three allied navies of the British, Russian, and Ottoman empires undertook a series of operations against France in the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian sea in 1799. When the Russo-Ottoman joint fleet was on anchor at Palermo, the Ottoman marines were involved in a series of fights with the Palermitans on different parts of the town on a religious festival day (8 September 1799). The affray was only partly quelled before it flared up again on 12 September, culminating in open mutiny in the Ottoman fleet.
All accounts (British, Russian, Ottoman, Sicilian) are deeply imbued with the political interests of their respective authors. Tensions between the Russian and Ottoman marines overlapped with those between the British and the Russians whereas mutual hostility between the Sicilians and the Ottomans is manifest in the correspondence between the Sublime Porte and the Two Sicilies. Clearly the illustrate the competition between the members of the second coalition. It should not surprise us that the coalition was short-lived under these circumstances. I will try to show how an ordinary mutiny of the mercenaries could turn into a diplomatic problem between the allies in the days of intense imperial rivalry in the Mediterranean.
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Emrah Safa Gürkan
Captivity and ransoming were part and parcel of diplomacy and naval warfare in early modern Mediterranean. This presentation will deal with agents who conducted cross-confessional negotiations for the exchange and release of war captives in the second half of the sixteenth century. Relying on hitherto unexamined documentation from Archivo General de Simancas (Spain) and Archivio di Stato di Venezia (Italy), it will specifically focus on the career of a Mediterranean go-between par excellence, the Albanian Bartolomeo Brutti, an interpreter (dragoman) at Venetian embassy, a power broker engaged in Ottoman factional politics, a secret agent at Habsburg employ, and a ransom agent who went back and forth between Ottoman Empire, Papal States, and the Habsburgs, powers which, at the lack of open diplomatic channels, were forced to rely on intermediaries with necessary political connections in both halves of the Mare Nostrum.
The son of a Dalmatian cavalry captain in Venetian service and the founder of the Brutti dynasty who would become one of the key Periot dynasties who produced several dragomans for European embassies in the following centuries, Brutti had an exceptional career which took a rather radical turn in the 1580s when he reached the higher echelons of power Moldavia and Poland. His outstanding career that unsettles many of the historians’ schematic paradigms reveals hitherto unrevealed facets of Ottoman factional politics, Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry and Mediterranean-wide diplomatic networks. By focusing on the negotiations Brutti undertook for the exchange of war captives between Constantinople, Ragusa, Naples and Rome, this presentation will demonstrate how diplomacy, espionage and ransoming converged and how “trans-imperial” go-betweens, who weaved dense networks of patronage across empires, played a crucial role in mediating political, cultural, religious, and linguistic boundaries in sixteenth-century Mediterranean.