The concept of environmental citizenship has evolved in Western literature and it was never examined in the Arabian Gulf States particularly Kuwait. The aim of this research paper is to develop a theoretical framework of what constitutes environmental citizenship in Kuwait from the perspective of the Environment Public Authority (KEPA) employees as well as individuals and environmental advocates working on environmental initiatives in Kuwait. Using participant observation, and semi-structured interviews conceptualized within the social theory of symbolic interaction, and constructivist grounded theory, a Model for Environmental Citizenship in Kuwait was developed. This model explicates three core elements of meaning and six elements of mobility. Elements of mobility include three enabling, and three inhibiting factors that affect how the meaning of environmental citizenship is manifesting and growing in Kuwait. This research paper contributes substantively to the existing literature as it examines environmental citizenship in a unique socio-political atmosphere and in a semi-authoritarian state which heavily depends on fossil fuels. It also revealed avenues for future research as it highlighted the rising environmental justice issues in Kuwait due to the demographic imbalance. The concept of environmental citizenship has evolved in Western literature and ecological citizenship was coined by Andrew Dobson in 2005. The concept was used by environmental NGOs and the Environment Protection Authority in Kuwait, however, the context in which the term was employed was problematic because it was embedded within a nationalist rhetoric that alienated non-Kuwaitis from participating in environmental initiatives. Hence, defeating the purpose of environmental citizenship which emphasizes inclusivity, non-discriminatory practices and feminist virtues.

Taking into account that the multidimensional threat of climate change is particularly prominent in Kuwait, this paper aims to examine and analyze what appears to be a disparity in the political discourse on climate change and environmental concerns, and emerging socially and environmentally conscious entrepreneurship models in Kuwait. This apparent disconnection is crucial to examine, as it implies that voted representatives of the public in the National Assembly largely do not perceive or discuss climate change as a policy priority or a ‘popular’ issue to raise during election campaigns, despite the fact that there is evidence that suggests a large consumers base specifically concerned about climate change and environmental challenges. Parliamentary candidates who raise environmental concerns seem to be less likely to gain traction in comparison to entrepreneurs whose business models are based on environmental and social responsibility. On the other hand, a significant number of local Kuwaiti businesses have emerged in recent years with the aim of introducing environmentally and socially conscious products to the market; unlike candidates who have raised environmental concerns, these local businesses were able to gain traction and successfully disseminate not only their products, but also the socially and environmentally responsible values and lifestyle behind them. By conducting interviews with these business owners on the motivation behind introducing such concepts in a market where these ideas had little consumer demand or engagement, as well as with some of their customers on how receptive they were to the concepts and products being marketed, this paper can compare and analyze the respective discourses of politicians versus entrepreneurs and the impact they have on the general public. The key question then becomes, why would environmentally and socially responsible business models yield success for entrepreneurs, but not for politicians? The paper argues that there is a gap in the nature of the rhetoric employed when being used by a politician versus a local business or entrepreneur, and this in turn impacts levels of receptiveness and engagement from their targeted audiences. Drawing on secondary literature, interviews, and surveys, the paper reveals an increasing curiosity and commitment from consumers to environmentally and socially responsible consumer patterns and lifestyles, while simultaneously revealing a lack of engagement and concern from various voters bases on matters of climate change and environmental challenges at a policy-level. This paper aims to reconcile these two simultaneously legitimate realities.

Climate change poses a challenge to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – because of their heavy dependance on fossil fuel production, specifically oil and gas, for a sizeable fraction of government revenue and economic activity. Given that oil and gas sector contribute between 20% and 50% of GDP and between 40% and 90% of total government revenues, GCC economies tend to be highly vulnerable to external shocks affecting oil prices, including any major decline that would result if stringent climate mitigation measures were implemented overseas. At the same time, GCC’s non-oil economic sectors – such as agriculture, food security, water, fisheries, tourism, and infrastructure – are also affected by the adverse physical impacts of climate change and could suffer from large gross domestic product (GDP) losses of 0.2 to 0.5% annually after 2027, and 1.5 to 3% annually by 2067. Such GDP losses could stem from rising temperatures, falling annual rainfall, sea level rise, increased exposure to extreme events like intense rainfall, decrease in work productivity due to heat/humidity exposure, and proliferation of infectious diseases. This paper argues that addressing the impacts of climate change in both oil and non-oil sectors is essential in order to ensure the long-term resilience and sustainability of the GCC economies. Using Saudi Arabia as a case study, this paper assesses the challenges and opportunities for aligning climate policies with the kingdom’s economic diversification strategies. It, furthermore, examines the role of Saudi Arabia’s political economic structures – featured by deriving a substantial part of revenues from oil exports – to influencing the country’s domestic climate policy and governance. Drawing from secondary literature and interviews with Saudi climate change and energy experts, the paper reveals that effective governance of climate change in Saudi Arabia still faces fundamental challenges such as low data and information profile; absence of a climate action plan; heavy involvement of the Ministry of Energy in addressing climate-related matters; and fragmented climate-related policies and efforts. Furthermore, the paper reveals that tangible action on climate change has been delayed due to three political economic strategies: defensive strategies (by expanding public sector dominance of climate action and strategic isolation of other climate change interest groups), material strategies (i.e. using of large-scale low-carbon technologies to protect interests in hydrocarbons), and discursive strategies (i.e. influencing public debate through media framing).

Recent scientific studies point to the direct impact of climate change in the GCC - increased temperatures, less rainfall, rising sea levels, and soil degradation linked to dust storms. Indirect implications on life in the GCC of climate change across the globe include a negative impact on agriculture, diminished water resources, food insecurity, as well as health issues related heat stress, pollution and exposure to radiation (Al-Maamary, Chaichan & Kazem: 2017). We have some sense of what will happen if we continue along the current trajectory- in this paper I read more closely how these environmental and public health factors will be felt or experienced, and by whom. The ways in which climate change, as a global phenomenon, will be felt at the local level fragments along lines of socioeconomic class, race/ nationality and gender. Top-down measures addressing climate change in the oil extracting states of the GCC sustainable urban development projects, investment in green cities, climate policy integration (Al-Sarihi & Mason: 2020), and ‘technical adjustments’ (Gunel: 2016) in practices and behaviour. In the summer of 2019, a food delivery service in Kuwait advertised measures to protect its motorbike drivers: a cooling vest soaked in water and worn underneath the company uniform, loose gloves, portable water bottles, and buses parked at various locations for breaks and access to refrigerated snacks. In the summer of 2020, conversations on Kuwaiti social media again raised the issue of drivers working through daily peak-heat hours (11am-5pm, June-August), during which there is a ban applied to other forms of outdoors work. How do these (and other) ‘technical adjustments’ mitigate the impact of climate change on people’s lives, and how do they shape the discussion on climate change in the region? This paper is based on critical readings of secondary literature, environmental science literature produced in Kuwait, semi structured interviews and engagement with Kuwaiti social media. It uses concepts of carbon economy (Mitchell: 2011), the Gulf in global capitalist development (Hanieh: 2011), and racial capitalism (Gilmore-Wilson: 2020, Robinson:2019) to think through with the intersecting questions on economy, nationalism, social justice, political participation and climate change.