In this paper, I examine the construction of a civic identity in the city of Kirkuk, Iraq over the course of the twentieth century, both by its communities and by external forces, as well as the ways in which a Kirkuki civic identity has become central to ethnopolitical discourses in the present day. I argue that the emergence of a distinct modern Kirkuki identity arose in part from a growing sense of Kirkuk’s economic importance as a result of the presence of the oil industry beginning in the early to mid-twentieth century. This notion, along with a developing interest in Kirkuk’s history, preceded the salience of ethnic nationalisms in the city. Various ethnic groups then came to draw on Kirkuki civic identity as an integral feature of their political narratives, continuing to do so in the context of Kirkuk’s present-day crisis. This study of multiple discourses of civic identity in an Iraqi city contributes to a fuller understanding of the forms that public discourse took and continues to take in the modern Iraqi state. I will first examine the eras of British control and influence in Kirkuk during and after the British mandate in Iraq, as well as the concurrent growth of the British-led Iraq Petroleum Company. During this time period, the concept of Kirkuk as Iraq’s “oil city” or “city of black gold” emerged as a key component of British-led discourses that formed an important part of the development of a discrete Kirkuki identity. I will then analyze the aftermath of the Iraqi revolution of 1958, when Kirkuk’s Kurdish and Turkmen communities fell into a pattern of intercommunal violence rooted in competition for authority within the city. At that time, some Kurds and Turkmens—both inside and outside of Kirkuk—began to articulate ethnopolitical narratives in which Kirkuk was a central element. I will conclude by observing how, in the twenty-first century dispute over Kirkuk, Iraqis of many ethnic and civic origins have continued to assert Kirkuk’s importance as a symbol for a variety of group identities. This paper draws on a variety of published sources relevant to Kirkuk in Arabic, including works by scholars from Kirkuk and its surrounding region; articles and other materials from the Arabic-language Iraq Petroleum Company magazine, Ahl al-Naft; and archival sources from the National Archives of the United Kingdom and the BP Archive.

In this paper I will contextualize Assyrians in Iraq’s history by analyzing their role in ideological and social movements during the Iraqi republic and early Ba’thist rule. I am interested in studying two different aspects of this history: Intellectual production and Governmental Policies. The role of Assyrians in the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) and the literary movement of the 1970s will be analyzed along with the state’s interactions with the Assyrians, and their inclusion/exclusion during this period. This paper will add to our understanding of the intellectual and social movements of Iraq in the 20th century. It will contribute to research stemming from Orit Bashkin’s book The Other Iraq proving that pluralism in Iraq was a reality and Iraqis were able to transcend ethno-sectarianism and take part in the various intellectual and social movements of the day. At the same time the research will provide insight into an understudied ethno-religious community. In 1973 The Ba’th party issued Law 251 giving the Syriac-speaking citizens, the Assyrians, cultural and linguistic rights. The law permitted the establishment of civil society organizations on the basis of social, cultural, artistic and linguistic objectives. Assyrian academics benefited from this opportunity, beginning a literary movement. They formed organizations, published newspapers and magazines, and produced radio and television programs. I intend to analyze two organizations within this movement the Cultural Organization with its magazine Q?l? Sur?y? (The Syriac Voice) and the Assyrian Cultural Club, and its magazine Murdinn? Atur?y? (The Assyrian Literate). These clubs became prominent hubs for the development of Assyrian literature, popular culture and national aspirations in the period of interest. An analysis of governmental policies with regards to Law 251 reveals that Assyrian membership within the ICP significant. Following two coup d’états in 1968 the Ba’th consolidated its power in the political sphere and worked on luring its political opponents, such as the ICP, by inviting it to join the National Patriotic Front. Law 251 appears to be another political tactic used to deplete the ICP from its (Assyrian) members. I will further examine the role of Assyrians in the ICP in the 1960s and 1970s using court records of Assyrian ICP members retrieved from the Iraqi National Library and Archives in Baghdad, Iraq. I will also use oral interviews with ICP members who were active during the period of interest. These interviews were conducted in the cities of Alqosh, Baghdad and Duhok.

This paper will examine the construction of the ‘warrior race’ discourse amongst the Assyrian Christian population in mandate Iraq (1919-1932). At the conclusion of the First World War, British colonial officials and the military establishment insisted that the Assyrians were ‘traditional warriors’. Perceived to be direct descendants of the ancient Assyrian Empire. The rich military history of the community, that ostensibly dates to ancient times, qualified Assyrian men to serve alongside the colonial forces in Iraq. The bravery and service the Assyrians had provided to the Allied Forces during the First World War was another factor for recruiting the males of the community for colonial service in the Iraq Levies Force. Militarization and the branding of the Assyrians as a ‘warrior race’ by British colonial officials will be the focus of the first part of this paper. The concept of the ‘warrior race’, a “belief that some groups of men are biologically or culturally predisposed to the arts of war” will be examined in relation to the Assyrian community. The creation of the ‘warrior race’ identity will first be considered from the colonial perspective, more specifically through the lens of British policies towards the Assyrians, and the attitudes and discourses of colonial officials. The British colonial perspective will be examined through the utilization of archival documents from the British National Archives, Lambeth Palace Church of England Archives, and U.S. National Archives. The colonial perspective will help in understanding how the Assyrian community in Iraq dealt with and located themselves within the newly created ‘warrior race’ discourse. I will argue that as a result of colonial pressure the Assyrians were forced to perceive themselves as a separate and distinct community. These perceptions became part of the public discourse of the Assyrian community, religious and political leaders within the community, helped in shaping a public discourse that promoted Assyrian nationalism. These events led to the alienation of the Assyrian community within the newly created Iraqi state. Which eventually fuelled communalist tensions within the modern Iraqi state. Assyrian documents, newspapers, and personal diaries will be used to shed light upon the phenomenon described above.

"The Other Shi'a and the New Iraq": Democracy and Ecumenism in the Thought of Ahmad al-Katib Ahmad al-Katib is an Iraqi Shi'ite intellectual, living in London, whose unique thought renders him one of the most important voices in contemporary Shi'ite discourse. My paper will outline the features of "the other Shi'a”, which al-Katib identifies in the new Iraq, as reflected in his writings and vision. I will argue that his background as an Iraqi Shi'ite was a major factor which enabled al-Katib to develop a critical view of modern day Shi'a and Iran’s hegemony over it. Born in Karbala’, Iraq, in 1953, al-Katib received a traditional Shi'ite education and qualified as a cleric. In the course of his higher religious studies in post-Revolution Iran, he began studying the roots and sources of the doctrine of the “Rule of the Jurisprudent” (wilayat al-faqih), which is identified with Khomeini. His research led him to question the Shi'ite axioms upon which he had been raised. He maintained that the doctrine of the Imama was a conception of extremist Shi'ites and ran counter to the positions and beliefs of the Imams, and that the twelfth Imam, who is viewed by the Twelver Shi'ites as the expected redeemer (Mahdi), did not exist, and was nothing but an invention by interested parties. Al-Katib’s historic claim led him to two important conclusions: first, that the doctrine of the “Rule of the Jurisprudent” must come to an end, and the nation must embrace democracy; and second, that the historical disputes between Shi'a and Sunna must be discarded and the Islamic nation reunited. Al-Katib’s book (published in London, 1997), in which he expounds upon his approach, ignited controversy in the Shi'ite world. Since then, he has continued to write, publish, and give interviews in the media. My paper is based on a thorough study of these primary sources. Central to al-Katib’s writings is an alternative reading of Shi'ite theology and a call to promote ecumenical discourse between Shi'a and Sunna. He presents an alternative historical narrative that contests that of the Shi'ite clerics, and challenges their monopoly over the religious and daily affairs of the Shi'ite community. Defying the "traditional" agents of collective memory, he attempts to deconstruct the collective memory of the Shi'a and to rebuild it upon pan-Islamic and universal foundations rooted in a democratic state, looking to the new democratic Iraq as an exemplar.