Despite its prolific publication record and notable popularity in the 1940s and 1950s, Turkish neo-spiritualism has hardly been taken as a topic of investigation by scholars of modern Turkey. This paper aims to engage analytically with this little-known venture in Turkish republican intellectual history. Combining the late nineteenth and early twentieth century western trend of spiritualism, or spiritism, with its local dynamics and socio-cultural structures, Turkish neo-spiritualist discourse represents a collage of scientific (and/or pseudo-scientific) arguments that integrates the spiritual philosophies of western spiritualists with the doctrines and practices of Islamic mysticism (Sufism). It hence sheds light on how an imported (western-alternative) discourse on the soul, the spirit, and the self axiomatically found itself in dialogue with internal dynamics and indigenous traditions while being transformed into, and accommodated within, the early Turkish republican socio-cultural context.
Neo-spiritualism flourished as a novel discourse for reevaluating psychic matters and investing them with a new language in a period of top-down secularism in Turkey, during which religious institutions and options were officially banned. It had scientific or empirical contours yet was commensurable with religion and, thus, as this paper argues, it gained significant popularity in the early republican period by offering a legally viable alternative to Sufi discourses on spiritual issues.
Is there a recurring underlying cultural logic that continually frames Turkish social and political life regardless of the labels attached to the divisive issues of the particular period, like left-right in the 1970s and secularist-Islamist today? Turkey is not the only country exhibiting inter-group hostility, of course, but it appears to be an extreme case in which such sociocultural patterns con¬sistently undermine attempts at cooperation and unity. As such, it is an important test case for understanding the dynamics of political and social fragmentation and the emergence of inter-group violence. My research approaches these questions by focusing on central themes, like hostile group formation, authoritarian hierarchy and key cultural concepts of hero and traitor. These themes emerged from an oral history of the 1970s in Turkey, open-ended interviews with a wide variety of individuals who directly and personally experienced this period, set within a scaffolding of factual reports and secondary literature in Turkish and English about this period and two decades of ethnographic study of contemporary Turkish political life. I will suggest a model of factionalism, which I call spindle autocracy, in which I suggest that hierarchies that characterize Turkish political life are brittle because they are grounded in loyalty and obedience to a single central leader (the spindle around which raw recruits become networked, much as raw wool twines into yarn), rather than to the organization itself, its ideology, rules and procedures, or merit as a marker for leadership and promotion. Disagreements with the hero/leader thus become personal betrayals that require the "traitors" to leave the group, taking their networks with them and later reforming around new leaders in a continual process of fracturing into mutually hostile groups. These dynamics scale up into national polarization and violence punctuated by attempts at consolidation, for instance, through nationalist reformulations, constitutional and educational revisions, and rallies. The study crosses disciplinary boundaries, using insights from social anthropology as well as political science and psychology.