Daily life in Cairo is full of human/object interactions; from the cup many people use to drink their morning tea to the bus they take to return home after a long day of work, objects are an integral part of urban life. How are some of these objects used and to what end? How do they relate to broader structures such as class and gender? Drawing on long-term ethnographic research in a low-income neighborhood in northern Cairo and informed by new material feminism and the work of Pierre Bourdieu, this paper looks at the social life of some objects that are key to the daily life and the making of men and women. Focusing on materialities like curtains, appliances, weights, and protein powder, this paper explores the relationship between gender, class, and matter. It seeks to complicate simple assumptions about the agency of matter and explores how the making of gendered and classed subjects is linked to how objects are used, circulated, and reused in daily life. It shows that young women are socialized into the cult of domesticity through an emphasis on cleanliness and aesthetics as key to their making as women and the boosting of the standing of their families. Through being charged with caring for their housing units and their functionality, cleanliness, and stylization, young women are oriented towards the inside and the domestic. In contrast, young men are oriented towards building a body that could be converted into other forms of material and social forms of capital. The use of weights and protein powder to build muscles orient them to the outside, to the market, and the eye of the other and produce them as potential workers, protectors, and partners. By coupling new materialist approaches with Bourdieu’s work, this paper aims to highlight the importance of looking at the inseparability of gender and class in how objects are used and integrated in daily life. Rather than giving “agency” to matter, as argued by some new materialists, my discussion highlights the importance of contextualizing relationalities between objects and humans, accounting for their effects and affects, and exploring how they are structured by and structure social inequalities.

Unveiling Hijab, Unveiling Hair in Egypt There is extensive scholarship about the damaging effects of Eurocentric beauty standards on Black women around the world, specifically on how hair texture, length, and style can impact women’s self-worth and life opportunities. While a growing body of research captures rising Islamophobia in post-coup Egypt and its debilitating effects on women who wear the hijab, the impact of deep-seated anti-Blackness in Egyptian society, which has taught women to hate their natural hair and distance themselves from their African roots, is not discussed enough concerning (un)veiling decisions. So, how do Eurocentric beauty standards affect Egyptian women’s decisions related to (un)veiling? What does discovering and accepting hair look like for those who once wore the hijab? Utilizing intersectional and Black feminist theory to analyze 30 virtual semi-structured interviews I conducted in June of 2020 with Egyptian women who unveiled their journeys and decisions related to the hijab, my research reveals how concerns and decisions related to hair (whether to meet or resist white beauty standards), played a central role in decisions related to wearing and taking off the hijab. Additionally, my research exposes the intertwining of anti-Blackness, Islamophobia, Islamism, and classism -embedded in families, the media, and institutions- as affecting each woman’s considerations. I also find that similar to Black women worldwide who are affected by the natural hair movements and are increasingly decolonizing, discovering, and embracing their hair, Egyptian women have also been affected by these trends. While more Black feminists study the impact of these movements, women who wear the hijab, especially in MENA, are not considered enough. While more scholarship has been written about the impact of the revolution on the trend of women unveiling, the literature continues to replicate issues with the literature on veiling by centering the pushback against religious discourses around the hair as awra due to the fall of Islamist movements and ending journeys at taking off the hijab. However, my research shows how, like women around the world, thanks to the guidance, representation, and support from the natural hair movement, Egyptian women who’ve recently unveiled are discovering their hair and unraveling a more profound struggle than with the hijab with coming to terms of accepting and coming out with their natural hair.

This paper critically addresses a conspicuous void within transnational feminist studies by meticulously examining the intricate process of identity formation among immigrant women from Turkey residing in the U.S. Coined as ‘contextual racialization’, the research rigorously scrutinizes their racial experiences, the nuanced racialization specificities linked to the spatial contexts, and the pivotal role of agency in shaping self-identification. Through the adept application of in-depth interviews and observational methods, this study not only dismantles prevalent stereotypes but also enriches the scholarly landscape with a nuanced comprehension of the intricate racialization processes that impact Muslim women originating from the Global South with a particular focus on women from Turkey. Meticulously exploring the nexus of gender, race, and religion in the migration and re-identification processes of women from Turkey and positioning identity as an ongoing and dynamic construct shaped by interaction, space, and power structures, the study seamlessly integrates racialization theories into transnational feminism studies. Extending the existing racialization theories to both pre-migration and post-migration experiences, it accentuates the pivotal role of agency in the intricate tapestry of identity construction. This scholarly endeavor vehemently calls for a nuanced, inclusive, and contextually driven analysis, seeking to disentangle the complexities embedded within these multifaceted constructs. At its core, this study endeavors to dismantle prevailing knowledge frameworks, spotlighting and redressing the prevailing epistemological inequalities rampant within transnational feminist studies. The research not only explores but actively champions spatial possibilities of resistance, transcending binary constructions, and carving out spaces conducive to authentic self-expression. Positioned as a robust feminist ethnographic study, this research employs an array of meticulously chosen methodologies, including in-depth interviews and participant observation. Operating within the expansive framework of transnational feminism, augmented by a judicious infusion of race and critical migration lenses, the study adeptly applies narrative analysis. Recognizing the centrality of agency, reflexivity serves as the guiding compass, seamlessly steering the incorporation of the researcher's experience and observations. This scholarly undertaking staunchly aims to contribute not merely to the corpus of knowledge but to actively reshape it, offering a nuanced and illuminating perspective on the reidentification experiences of immigrant women and concurrently challenging the entrenched epistemological inequalities within transnational feminist and race studies. In conclusion , this feminist ethnographic research assertively emphasize the imperative to position these women as theorists in their own right, unequivocally championing the recognition and amplification of their voices within academic discourse.

This paper argues for the significance of Baloch Feminism and the endeavor to deconstruct and decolonize the concept of "Iranian Genders" as a pivotal theoretical accomplishment within the Woman, Life, Freedom movement. Reclaiming the slogan "Janin, Zand-Ajoyi," Baloch women's collective, Desgoharan, has issued three statements and published numerous articles highlighting the intersectional histories of violence against their communities. In their writings, they tackle issues such as their exclusion from Iranian national citizenship, the pivotal role of sexual violence in shaping Baloch women's experiences, and the dual vulnerability of Baloch masculinities, which are both targeted by state violence and implicated in the oppression of Baloch women. Furthermore, they delve into the lives of the Baloch working class, who engage in fuel smuggling as a survival strategy, the high rates of execution within their communities, and the pervasive precarity that characterizes their existence. To amplify and incorporate these invaluable voices into Iranian feminist scholarship, this paper draws upon Maria Gonzales' scholarly insights and the concept of the "coloniality of gender." It delves into how these voices challenge the existing discourse in Iranian and Iranian diasporic feminism by dismantling conventional notions of nationhood and gender. Most importantly, it elucidates their role in fostering a more comprehensive and anti-racist understanding of the Woman, Life, Freedom Movement through an intersectional lens.

The politics of Black hair are a prominent topic in Anglo-American Black feminism scholarship (Banks, 2000; Crenshaw, 2014; Harris-Perry, 2011). Yet, little is known on the mobilization of hair -braiding skills in ‘Global South’ locales. In Qatar, post-world cup scrutiny of labor laws has rarely focused on the intersection of Blackness and gender, particularly as it pertains to informal labor that does not involve supranational and government agencies. Black female migrant workers in Qatar are paid the lowest wages and if they are employed in a domestic setting, are more likely to be given more physically taxing work (Fernandez, 2023). Through interviews, participant observation, and textual analysis of Qatar labor laws, I read the “informal” labor performed by Black hairstylists in Qatar as a terrain of resistance to economic and legal precarity imposed by labor laws and patriarchal kin relations. Using trans feminist theories (Bey, 2022), I suggest that Black female migrants in Qatar use their hair -braiding skills to also “bargain with the patriarchy” (Kandiyoti, 1988), through their ‘business’ practice such as braiding while performing reproductive labor, including childcare, and household chore. These practices and performances problematize the masculinist liberal bifurcation of public/private spheres, opening up space to capaciously think of the labor performed by Black female migrant. Further, I contend that, in response to the legal precarity, hairstylists engage in ‘reactive transnationalism’ (Snel et al., 2016), purchasing property and land, constructing houses, and sending remittances to family members in their home countries. Black female migrant labor practices render visible the racialized and gendered hierarchies in Qatar, further probing Anglo-American rigid identity discourses of Blackness and gender.

In the contemporary discourse on gender and politics, the case of Kuwait presents a compelling landscape for understanding the complexities surrounding violence against women in politics (VAWIP). Despite significant strides in the realms of education and finance, Kuwaiti women continue to encounter formidable barriers in the political arena, barriers deeply rooted in historical, traditional, and religious norms that perpetuate patriarchal values within families and tribes. Traditional sociological theories, such as exchange theory, have attempted to explain male dominance as a consequence of women's lack of resources. However, with Kuwaiti women now achieving considerable levels of education and financial independence, these theories fall short of fully accounting for the sustained male dominance in politics. An alternative explanation offered by status inconsistency theory suggests that as women challenge traditional gender roles and seek political participation, they face significant backlash. This backlash not only affects their representation in decision-making roles but also highlights the intricate interplay between historical patriarchy and evolving gender norms within Kuwait's political sphere. This paper aims to gain insights into the complex relationship between societal norms, gender roles, and the specific hurdles women face in their pursuit of political representation and decision-making positions. Using in-depth interviews and archival data, we expand the understanding of VAWIP by examining the influences of tribal politics, sectarianism, and the absence of political parties on the forms of political violence faced by women. It will explore how intersecting identities and gender norms exacerbate VAWIP, thus impeding women's political participation and representation. The research is grounded in the burgeoning field of VAWIP, especially pertinent in contexts marked by traditional, tribal, and conservative norms. This study dissects how patriarchal societies employ traditional gender roles and women's identities to obstruct their political engagement, with a specific focus on the role of sect and intersectionality in intensifying violence against women in politics.