Kulayni's Usul al-Kafi, the theological portion of the oldest and most prestigious of the authoritative Twelver Shi'ite hadith collections, contains extensive polemics against rival Shi'ite groups, particularly the Zaydis. This text, dating from the period of the Lesser Occultation and probably containing material dating from the later Imams, demonstrates that the Shi’ite world was deeply divided during this time period over questions concerning leadership. There are several major themes relating to leadership that I have chosen to focus on in Usul a-¬kafi. These are the disputes among Shi’ites regarding the rightful successor to Imam Ali, and the ontological status of Imam, which consequently determines the basis for leadership. Shi’ites universally recognize the Prophet’s cousin and son¬-in-law, Ali, as the Prophet’s rightful successor. However, the Shi’ite religion, from the very beginning of its history has been beset with sectarian discord that left lasting effects well into the modern era. The most widely adhered to and recognized form of Shi’ism is the “Twelver” school, which recognizes the spiritual authority of twelve individuals, the “twelve Imams” as they are called, related by blood to the Prophet Muhammad. The last of these, the current Imam and rightful temporal ruler of the earth, is hidden from plain sight as a test of faith for Shi’ite Muslims. These views on the special leadership, in all of its forms is contested today by the small minorities of other Shi’ites including the followers of Zayd Ibn Ali and the followers of the various Ismaili branches of Shi’ism. These views in ages past also fiercely competed with the now defunct rival Kaysanite lineage that followed Ali’s son, Muhammad ibn Hanifiya. Of equal importance to the question of rightful leadership, is the ontological basis for said leadership. With equal zeal, Usul Al-Kafi also dedicates a great deal of itself to refuting the extremist Shi’ites who held Muhammad, Ali, or any of the Prophet’s family to be either divine or prophetic. With respect to the question between Shi’ite Islam and leadership, I have chosen to focus the issue of rebellion against an unjust ruler, the necessity of a blood relation to the Prophet’s daughter, Fatima, the ontological status of the Imam, mainly the first Imam, Ali, and the concealment of the twelfth Imam.

“A Shaykh in the Ottoman Palace: Ismail Haqqi Bursawi’s Struggle Against Moral Decline, Corruption, and Injustice” By Ne?et Ulusal Indiana University Bloomington From their first days in 1299 CE. onward, almost each Ottoman sultan had a spiritual guide—a Sufi shaykh affiliated with one or another tariqah, Sufi order, guiding the Sultan in spiritual matters. Some of those shaykhs are better known than others, such as Shaykh Edebali (d. 1326 ) for Osman Bey, the first Ottoman Sultan (d.1324 ); Emir Bukhari—known as Emir Sultan (d. 1429 CE)—for Beyaz?d I (reign until 1402); Akshamsaddin (d. 1459) for Mehmet II (d. 1481), the conquer of Constantinople; and Shaykh Yahya Efendi (d. 1569) for Suleyman I the Magnificent (d. 1566). Alongside with the official shaykhulislam post of religious affairs in the Ottoman state system, the above-mentioned spiritual guidanceship seems an informal check-balance system within the powerful Ottoman autocracy in general, and over the sultan as the head of the state in particular. In this regard, Ismail Haqqi Bursawi (1653-1725 CE), a prolific scholar in Islamic sciences, the author of his magnum opus “Ruh al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an,” a comphrehensive Sufi exegesis work, and the Shaykh of the Jalwati order in his time, seems to be engaged in a similar position, especially in the reign of Ahmed III (reigned from 1703 to 1730), the ruler during the infamous “Tulip Era”. Bursawi, however, was not as influential as the earlier Shaykhs. Realizing that he was not being taken seriously, the Shaykh returned to Bursa shortly before his death. In fact, no other Shaykh was successful in gaining influence over the Sultan—and probably therefore not really well-known—in the imperial Ottoman system after Bursawi, and none of them even became as well-known as Bursawi had been. What was the reason for it? How did Bursawi struggle to make his voice heard? How did the Shaykh address the issue? Was it due to the fact that the Ottomans had established the state system in an imperial structure that there was really no need for these spiritual masters, or just simply that the Sultans had neglected the tradition after the 16th century? This paper tries to find answers to these questions, through a closer look over the example of Ismail Haqqi Bursawi.

Qadi Tabababa’i (1866-1947), an influential Sufi master in Shia seminaries of Iraq and Iran, is entirely unknown in Western Academia. As a religious authority (Ayatullah) and spiritual guide to many prominent scholars to come, Qadi had everything to characterize him as a Shi’a Sufi master, yet there was an enormous effort by his followers to conceal his Sufi affiliation. It is also narrated that he asked: ‘Do not make a chain (Silsila) for me.’ This paper attempts to uncover Qadi's Sufi leadership and teachings and analyze his connections with the Dhahab?ya and the Ma`rifat al-Nafs (Self-Knowledge) School of philosophy and Sufism in the Shia seminary in Najaf (Iraq). It also attempts to speculate on the reasons why such efforts were made in the first place to conceal his Sufi connection. We will then define his relationship to the Shia religious authorities (Mar?ji`) of his time and describe the concept of human perfection according to his teachings. We know that because of advocating a Sufi interpretation of the revelation, he and his teachings encountered both acceptance and rejection inside and outside Shia seminaries during his lifetime and up to the present. Except for a few treatises such as a commentary to some Shia psalms (Du?? Sam?t) and a commentary on al-Irsh?d by Shaykh Muf?d and some letters to his followers, there is not much remaining work attributed to him. His foremost concern was to guide those selected scholars of the seminary into the path of practical mysticism (`irfan ‘amali). He also organized courses on theoretical gnosticism for the same individuals. He never performed as the prayer leader in a mosque nor issued fatwas as other Mujtahids. The account of his oral teachings was narrated in the numerous hagiographies right after his death by his disciples. Those sources, especially his very famous disciple 'All?ma ?abataba’i (1904-1981) who noted that ‘Whatever we have is from the late Qadi,’ indicates his significant role and leadership in the continuation of both philosophy and Shia ‘Irfan (Sufism) among the selected Shia scholars and through them to the mass followers. We also consider his position in the history of philosophy and Sufism to analyze his place as motivating the spread of Sufi teachings from Ibn 'Arabi’s (1165-1240) and Mulla Sadra’s (c 1571-1640) to his disciple 'Allama Tabataba’i, the great master of Islamic philosophy and Sufism in the contemporary Shi’a Seminary.

There are some contemporary Sufi women who have been actively involved in the realm of religious and education life, either as spiritual leaders, imams and chaplains, or activists, and whose activism is widely popular and influential in ways going beyond traditional form of the Sufi orders (tariqa).This paper discusses the forms of practical innovation, creativity and experimentation in the development of Sufi women in cultural groupings and communities, including very diverse Sufi groups that frequently have women in leadership and teaching roles. This paper focuses on three of these women: Fariha [Cerrahi order]; Camille Helminski [Mevlevi order]; and Nahid Angha [IAS/Shahmaghsoudi order]. These women are a source of innovations adaptable by Muslim women in the American context and in other Muslim communities. How did these women’s participation and presence in a group or tariqa transform their understanding of gender roles and specificities? How do their spiritual activities and innovations successfully operate and develop within modern urban, highly educated and professional contexts? How are their innovative activities and understandings related to traditional Islamic religious forms and conceptions, and how have they moved beyond the controversies of religious authority and leadership? This study does not seek to address gender bias in Sufism, but rather to explore and discover how these pioneering contemporary efforts negotiate competing religious and cultural identities without sacrificing the traditional forms of Sufism. At the same time, this can reveal how they embody spiritual activism in practical terms adaptable to similar kinds of Muslim activism in other Islamic societies. This requires a close study of new spiritual activities, tools, and venues directly supporting women’s spiritual development and leadership. I will try to understand, describe and effectively communicate the visions and voices of such innovative, creative ideas and practices surrounding these women that could restore and re-story the role of women in the history of religion and society, highlighting the diversity of creative spiritual phenomena within those places in America. Keywords : creativity, adaptation, leadership, sufism,tariqa