“Bravely climb up the few stairs that would take you to the inner court, no one would say a thing. Even the most bigoted Turk would not object, as you are now in a “open public space”.” René du Parquet, a French man who worked and lived in ?stanbul between 1863-64, defines the inner courtyard of Yeni Cami, in Eminönü, as an “open public space”. He also emphasizes its sanctity, mentioning that it is so holy that merchants feel comfortable storing valuable goods there. In the early eighteenth century, the author ?emdanizade gave other striking examples of the non-religious use of mosque courtyards. For example, he mentions men and women riding ferris-wheels, swings, and carousels placed in the courtyards of Bayezid and Fatih mosques, among other locations. The use of mosque courtyards for such secular occasions raises the question of what other social functions and events could take place in these spaces. Did the inner and outer courtyards have different religious or social meanings? Were they both considered (and used) as open public spaces? So far, there has been little discussion about the mosque courtyards in which Istanbulites gathered, shopped, discussed social and political issues, demanded justice, took refuge during disasters – in other words, important places in which everyday life took place. The studies which focus on Istanbul mosques either examine courtyards on a purely formal level or in the context of “garden of heaven” symbolism. However, along with their direct spatial relation with mosques, these open and semi-open spaces deserve to be given consideration for their various socio-cultural dimensions. This paper attempts to define the inner and outer mosque courtyards architecturally and socially and explores the cultural dimensions of mosque courtyards in early modern Istanbul.

This paper will deal with the first collections of antiquities in the Regency of Tunis, their role as a cultural expression of authority, specifically their use in the assertion of local power and international distinction. The Campaign of Egypt demonstrated the will of expansion of the colonial empires not only in economic and military terms, but in cultural and scientific as well. It generated and validated interest in the most fascinating treasure of Egypt: its archaeological heritage. Uncovering this kind of cultural heritage had a similar relevance in other Arab countries of the Mediterranean, and it became one of the reasons for colonization, just as diffusion of Western civilization was for the Roman Empire before. In Tunis, the first collections of antiquities were established in the 19th century. European Consuls, foreign fellows, and international traders acquired most of the archaeological remains from the old city of Carthage and from the rest of the Regency. However, whether it was an instrument for economic gain, personal taste, or prestige, this occidental practice of collecting antiquities was not limited to foreigners; it also touched the local ruling class. Ministers, and probably the Bey himself, established rich collections of antiquities. The most famous belonged to the main politicians of the 19th century: Mustapha Khaznadar and Khayr Al-Dîn Pacha. Thanks to strong determination and occasional use of the army for excavations, this collection gained renown outside the country and guaranteed the fame of their owners on a transnational level when it was exhibited at the World’s Fair of 1855 and 1873. In a Muslim country with an iconoclastic tradition, collecting antiquities transformed the local culture. Based on unpublished documents from the National Archives of Tunis, London and Paris, this paper will show how collecting antiquities, which was at the center of diplomatic and financial interests, also moved to the center of cultural expression and social distinction among the local elite. Through the interaction and the influence of different political entities collections became a testimony of political superiority that lead the ruling class to become for the first time invested in a cultural heritage, formerly ignored, and to make it referent of a national identity than existed prior to the French colonization in 1881.